The research is focused on planned policy experts, the important to assimilate empirical and normative investigation and how that can be done. From this viewpoint, it is the disagreement that founds the rudimentary component of actual policy analysis. As Majone (1989, 7) has clarified, most of the work of the policy analyst “in a scheme of administration by conversation has little to do with the proper procedures of problem-solving compare to the methods of policy argument.” As he mentioned, “the duties of the analyst consists in large section of producing the truth and urgings that can be used in the debate of the public.” In view of this conversational nature of policy analysis, policy itself is thus best understood as “crafted argument” (Stone 1988). In an effort to advance policy arguments, writes Hawkesworth (1988, 191), the objective of policy analysis is to identify “the combative dimensions of policy enquiries, to clarify the complexity of policy deliberations, to recognize the flaws of supporting arguments, and to clarify the political insinuations of contending prescriptions. This publication provides an overview of the local government policy-analysis a case study of Washington City
Background of city council meeting
According to Richard (1999) City council generally act as the legislative branch of the city government, as well as its policy-making body. The council is responsible to make sure that the city goals, major projects and infrastructure are attend to. Council members meets to discuss the city matters and pass the resolution. They are also meeting to make an investigation on whether the policy that was implemented is working towards the benefits of its people. During their meeting, they discuss on the way forward to make the policy work effectively or to terminate if no good results. The city council member also conduct public meeting to hear from the public and give their inputs.
What is deliberative democracy?
According to Guttmann & Thompson (2009) deliberative affirms the necessity to justify resolution made by inhabitant and their legislatures. Both are predictable to explain the rules they would levy on one another. Leaders in democracy should reply to the reason the citizen has given and also provide decision with their motive. However, deliberative democracy makes room for many other forms of decision-making as long as the use of these forms themselves is justified at the some point in deliberative process.
In addition Guttmann and Thompson (2009), the overall goal of deliberation democracy is to offer the most justifiable conception for dealing with ethical disagreement in politics. First is to promote the legitimacy of collective decisions. This purpose is a reply to one of the bases of ethical difference shortage of resources. Citizens would not argue about how best to allocate health care or who should receive organ transplants if these goods and service were unlimited.
Second is to inspire community spirited viewpoints on public matters in order to replies to another source of moral disagreement limited generosity. Third is to promote equally deferential method of decision making. It reacts to frequently neglected source of moral disagreement-incompatible moral worth. Fourth is to support correct fault. A well constituted deliberative forum offers chance for advancing both distinct and shared understanding. However, through the give and take of argument, member can learn from each other how to know their separate and shared misunderstandings and grow fresh opinions and policies that can more effectively endure critical inspection Guttmann and Thompson (2009).
Policy as argument
According to Majone (1989) the curiosity in argumentation in policy analysis draws from both theoretical and practical perspectives. On the one side, its varied theoretic influences run through British ordinary-language analysis, the Frankfurt School of critical social theory, French post structuralism, and improved appropriation of American pragmatism. The other hand, it is based in applied terms on tests on the portion of policy experts and planners, from investor scrutiny and taking part exploration to community section and consensus conferences. In addition Majone (1989), these rich sources have helped “post empiricists” in identifying how linguistic and styles of representation both authorize and gratify their duties. They have come to appreciate how their practical rhetoric depicts and selects, describes and characterizes, comprises and rejects. The discussion now is oriented about a particular way of progress in the belligerent turn a dialectical communications approach based on the informal or good-reasons logic of argumentation. The productive volumes of the approach is highlighted, in particular its ability to generate behaviors of thinking and seeing that open new possibilities for problem-solving and action Majone (1989).
According to Majone (1989, 35), policy glitches can be represented in various languages, discourses, and frames, the link between the language of the analyst’s arguments and the language of the political setting is necessarily significant. Moreover Majone (1989), identify the ways in which analysis has to be sensitive to the shifts in political power from election to election, elite to elite, or coalition to coalition are reflected not only in policy decisions but in the very linguistic in which rule matters and selections are made available to the public. In so far as policy creators and affected publics similarly can be stymied or mystified by technical languages of expertise, the argumentative approach is put forward to help refine both public understanding and ethical imagination.
Forester (1999) and Hoch (1994) policy arguments cannot be presumed to be optimally clear, cogent, true, and free from political and institutional biases. Democratic deliberation, to be sure, is always precarious and vulnerable. But through thoughtful, informed and passionate argumentative processes citizen can learn. Policy analysis, in this admiration, can facilitate the procedure by promoting communicative capabilities and social education. To do this, though, it has to take into explanation the habits policy arguments can be tilted by disparities of resources and rooted relations of power.
In addition Hoch (1994), one influential method to such is a communications model has to take an example of regulation and legal argumentation. In such a scheme, policy analysts and decision makers each take on the assignment of preparing arguments for and against particular policy positions. As Rivlin (1973,25) suggested, they would “state their side of the argument, leaving to the brief writers of the other side the work of picking separately the case that has been offered and specifying the security evidence.” Nevertheless policy argumentation begins with the recognition that the participants do not have solid answers to the questions under discussion, or even a solid method for getting the answers. With this understanding the policy analysts and decision makers attempt to work out a meaningful synthesis of perspectives. Churchman (1971) and his followers have suggested that the procedure follow the form of a debate. They maintain that the problem presented by the absence of appropriate evaluative criteria can be mitigated by designing rational procedures to govern a formal communicative exchange among the various points of view that bear on the decision-making process.
Rivlin (1973) continue state that, in such a policy debate, each party would confront the others with counterproposals based on varying perceptions of the facts. The participants would organize the established data and fit them into the world views that underline their own arguments. The criteria for accepting or rejecting a proposal would be the same grounds as those for accepting or rejecting a counterproposal and must be based on precisely the same data. Operating at the intersection where government and science confront exercise and ethics, both policy experts and decision makers would discover and relate the underlying assumptions being working.
The structure of a policy argument, Majone (1989, 63) explains, is typically a complex mix of factual statements, interpretations, opinion, and evaluation. The argument supplies the links that connect the relevant data and information to the conclusions of an analysis. Majone (1989) identify conceptualization as an important aspect of a structures of a policy argument to contribute to the improvement of an argumentative policy analysis. But his efforts do not sufficiently account for or clarify the normative magnitudes that bring the interfering between the findings and conclusions. Majone (1989) add on that ”from the preceding discussion, we can express the task as a substance of establishing interconnections among the empirical data, normative expectations that structure our knowledge of the social world, the interpretive judgments inherent in the data gathering procedure, the particular conditions of a situational setting and the exact conclusions”.
Fischer (1995b) the reason of policy argumentation thus works on two fundamental stages, one concretely worried with a program, its contestants, and the specific problem situation to which the program is functional, and the other worried with the more abstract level of the societal system within which the programmatic action takes place. Furthermore Fischer (1995), the evaluation of a policy argument, in this sense, must always look in two directions, one micro, and the other macro. For instance, a policy to introduce a multicultural curriculum in a particular university should not only indicate specific course assistances, but also speak to the big society, such as the need for a set of common integrating values capable of holding the social system together. It’s very needed to highlight the reason of policy argumentation organizes four interrelated discourses rather than a single methodological calculus per se. The task is not to “plug in” answers to specific questions or to fulfill pre specified methodological requirements. It is to engage in a free and flexible inspection of the types of distresses raised in the different discursive stages of the problem Fischer (1995). In this admiration, the questions do not constitute a complete agreed rules or fixed desires that must be dealt with in any official way. Relatively, they are intended to orient argumentation to a specific agreed of concerns. Within the discursive outline, deliberation may follow its personal course in the search of accepting and agreement. Policy argumentation, moreover, can commence at any one of the phases. Choosing the place to begin is determined by the practical aspects of the policy to be resolved.
Argumentation policy analysis: The communication model
Various efforts have been ready to grow processes for quarrelsome policy investigation. An important circumstance in this opinion is the “communications” method to policy study that start to change at the end of 1970s and early 1980s. This orientation has turned the analytical problem on its head (Churchman 1971; Fischer 2003). Recognizing that the normative sizes of policy questions cannot be attended to, through the empirical analysis that is, by converting them into variables to be operationalized these scholars have sought a viable alternative by reorienting the task to begin from the normative perspective and fit the empirical in. Indeed, as they prove, this is how policy deliberation actually works. In politics, politicians and policy decision makers put forth proposals about what to do base on normative arguments. Empirical analysis comes into play but only when there are reasons to question or explore the factual aspects of the argument Fischer (2003).
The research help me to better understand the structure of the policy argument as a complex blend of factual statements, norms, interpretations, opinions, and evaluations than does the empirical approach to policy analysis. At the same time, it also more closely links the analytical task to the ordinary language policy argumentation of real world politicians and policy makers. Certainly, the argument here is that the approach is a more perfect demonstration of how representatives, policy experts, and citizens actually claim and thoughtful about strategy in the real world of politics. It offers, as such, an approach better suited to real world policy making than the conventional positivist model which emphasizes empirical analysis at the expense of normative investigation. Each of the four discourses has specific empirical and normative requirements that must be addressed in making a complete justification of a policy argument For a reason to be considered a “good” one, the analyst much convince the discursive participants that it satisfy all four discursive phases of the methodological probe.
Churchman, C. W. (1971). The Designing of Inquiring Systems. New York: Basic Books.
Fischer. F. (1995). Evaluating Public Policy. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.
Fischer. F. (2003) Reframing Public Policy: Discursive Politics and Deliberative Practices. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Hawkesworth, M. E. (1988). Theoretical Issues in Policy Analysis. Albany: SUNY Press.
Hoch, C. (1994). What Planners Do? Chicago: APA Planners Press.
Majone, G. (1989). Evidence, argument, and persuasion in the policy process. Yale University Press.
Rivlin, A. (1973). “Forensic Social Science: Perspectives on Inequality.” Harvard Educational Review (Reprint Series, No. 8). Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.